The Spanish/Christian mythology enforced militarily in Aztec country |
For instance, I suspect that most of
us are puzzled about why the USA would replace a mild, decent,
respectful president with an anarchistic, aggressive, belligerent
commander in chief. Harari shines a light on the consequences historically of similar phenomena when he
discusses leadership in conflict—through the lens of history:
The ability to maintain peace at
home, acquire allies abroad, and understand what goes through the
minds of other people (particularly your enemies) is usually the key
to victory. Hence an aggressive brute is often the worst choice to
run a war. Much better is a cooperative person who knows how to
appease, how to manipulate and how to see things from different
perspectives. This is the stuff empire builders are made of. The
militarily incompetent Augustus succeeded in establishing a stable
imperial regime, achieving something that eluded both Julius Caesar
and Alexander the Great, who were much better generals. Both his
admiring contemporaries and modern historians often attribute this
feat to his virtue of clementia—mildness
and clemency (p.157).
Although
Harari is writing here about competencies leading to military
success, the parallels to Trump’s economic warfare, his “make
America great again” rhetoric echo both Caesar and previous
presidents’ confusion about what constitutes greatness, and how
greatness is arrived at. Exercising American “greatness” in the
Middle East has cost many lives with no apparent, lasting benefit to
anyone; the “shock and awe” of the 2003 invasion of Iraq
predictably turned into more of a “bust and whimper.” (Further
echoes of Vietnam and Korea; muscle can’t guarantee greatness, nor
even success.)
The maxim that says we repeat and
repeat our mistakes when we neglect our history comes easily to mind.
Confusing the generation of fear with the cultivation of respect was
Caesar’s mistake, was Alexander’s mistake, was Hitler’s
mistake, was Stalin’s mistake, was Mussolini’s mistake, and is
quite probably Trump’s big mistake. In a globalizing world,
isolation and belligerence constitute a path to decline. We need
only look to Putin and Kim Jong-un to recognize the futility of
aggressive, fear-mongering leadership in a world dependent on
cooperation in so much, including travel, communication, money exchange and trade. In a rapidly globalizing world—economically,
socially, culturally—it becomes easier and easier to starve nations
and peoples who choose defiant isolationism.
There’s much more in Harari, even
though he’s titled it “a brief history.” His take on the differing
mythologies that are able to bind enormously-large nations and
confederacies together is especially revealing. A mass of people
can’t become a stable, lasting culture or nation unless citizens
share a basic mythology, whether that be democracy, religion,
capitalism, socialism, multi-culturalism, etc. Even a corporation
with thousands of workers is dependent on a mythology of purpose and
rewards in order to be stable; loyalty to the common myth makes
cooperation among large numbers of people possible.
Historically—according to
Harari—imperialism has been a boon to our successful evolution as
homo sapien species in that it absorbed any number of competing tribes into
a more cooperative whole and facilitated the spread of science and
peaceful governance. At the same time, imperialism’s forceful
absorption of cultures and languages into a common, imposed mythology
has cost millions of lives and extinguished cultural and linguistic
variety. In this sense our nation, Canada, is a real-time study in
the working of imperialism in that, for instance, Cree, Ojibwa, Inuit
peoples who have been forcibly absorbed into the Western mythology .
. . almost universally speak English now, as do Ukrainian, German,
Chinese, Arab, etc. immigrants.